FACULTY OF ARTS

The aims of this project is to explicitly narrate the nature of the death in the society, and its implications, the major causes of deaths in the world. In explaining this topic, several issues stead to be accounted for which are as follows: The discovery of death in the worlds, the emergence of burial institution in international relation. The nature of religion, culture, social, political and economic even environmental impacts around the globe today. The discrimination between the rich and poor in each culture and society and communities. The revolution of burial rites and rituals in the world and most importantly, the belief of the communities on their ancestors and the acceptance of their ancestors by the proper burial of the deceased to be accepted and the opening of their ancestral homes to be opened to the deceased as a come back into the ancestral fold, that they still existed in the communities providing safety and security, protection and guidance and instruction of impeding calamity or future events either through dreams and vision. The ancestors lives continuously in our hears the living. Therefore food sacrifices are made to/for them spiritually all over the world but the methods varies. Sins bring sicknesses and diseases which brings slavery to demons and shame, disgrace, poverty, dishonor and death. Satan’s counsels to Eve and eve’s persuasion of Adam and the eating of the forbidden fruits lures mankind from god to Satan; but repentance with a remorseful and a contrite heart returns one back to God. Furthermore, there is the inevitable and inestimable gifts of the “electricity” and (ICT) information and communication technology. To enable the industrial revolution which brings about the activities of events planners, diplomacy, negotiation between heads of states with speed by the use of the telephone internet with al it gadgets and applications, to connects states, communities, families, NGOs, states and non-state-actors in international relations (systems). Moreso, there is the Jews, the Hindu, the Christian, the skih, the Muslim and the Humanists and he Africa in burials and rites. The activities of the gravedigger(s) and the parson, and the
undertaker(s) role all add up to make the whole process spiritual different questions have been asked and are still been ask, where is heaven, is it up above in space? Or down below in the seas that separates the earth from the underground ocean? Then if one is to die how do you want to be buried? The issue of cremation and grave burial then arises. The economic impacts of burial rites are now very competitive, all over the world but especially in Africa where the bereaves now go to borrow or apply for loans from individual money lenders and LAPO, Banks, to finance the burial ceremony of their dead parents. This brings about under development and illiteracy in the family and communities. Proliferations of graves in the homes now in yoke in Africa due to the neglect and unattends nature of the cemeteries, graveyards, burial ground and family vaults in the world the parks and Greenland. The way forward for the government handling of burials and graves and cremation so that epidemic diseases will not erupt in the world and Africa especially. The statistical records of births and death, and longevity’s roles in the world.

Boko Haram is a radical Islamist movement shaped by its Nigerian context and reflecting Nigeria’s history of poor governance and extreme poverty in the north. The movement is unique in that it combines a sectarian, radical Islamic agenda with violence. Its stated goal is the establishment of a sharia state, but it shows little interest in actually governing or implementing economic development. It is based on the fundamentalist Wahhabi theological system and opposes the Islam of the traditional northern Nigerian establishment, which is broadly tolerant. Boko Haram, as an extension of the Maitatsineuprising in 1970s and 1980s ,it is not in doubt that Boko Haram is part of the unaddressed issues on religion which the Maitatsine had attempted to raise in the northern parts of the country, starting from Kano more than three decades ago. An offshoot of Islam called the
Yan’ tatsine’ violently rebelled against the authorities and non-members.1 These radical Muslims estimated between 3000 and 5000 were inspired by Mohammed Marwa, an Islamic scholar who migrated from the town of Marwa in
Northern Cameroun to the city of Kano in 1945. Boko Haram and its more radical splinter, are steadily expanding their area of operations. Kidnapping has become a major source of revenue and is widespread, while attacks have occurred in Lagos and Kano. The government’s response has been to treat Boko Haram as a part of the international al- 8 Qaeda movement. Security service abuses are likely a driver of some popular support foror acquiescence to Boko Haram. The struggle between the government and Boko Haram has dire humanitarian consequences. Many people have been internally displaced in
northern Nigeria and many refugees have fled to neighboring countries.

This study examines the 25-year struggle for female enfranchisement in Northern Nigeria, beginning with the 1954 regional exclusion and concluding with the attainment of universal suffrage in 1979. Unlike the South, women in Northern Nigeria were denied the vote for decades due to a complex blend of colonial policy, traditional patriarchy, and conservative religious interpretations. Through the radical activism of figures like Hajia Gambo Sawaba and the NEPU Women’s Wing, the movement challenged the ruling elite to demand political inclusion. The struggle eventually succeeded through the 1976 local government reforms and the 1979 Constitution, marking a definitive victory for gender equality in Nigerian electoral history.

All activities associated with decision-making or other forms of power relations between members of the family are centered on politics. This study aims to analyze The Politics of Polygamous Marriages in Buchi Emecheta’s The Joys of Motherhood and Isidore Okpewho’s The Victims. The study is essentially qualitative in approach in that it is text-based. This study employs a feminist approach to literary criticism with focus on the African concept of feminism. The works as reviewed have shown that both texts are rich in feminist ideas and concerns. This fact draws a connection between the previous studies and this present study as the causes of women’s troubles are all that have been highlighted: patriarchy, polygamy, ignorance, motherhood, and colonialism. However, there is an aspect of the traditional African society that has been neglected in the reviewed scholarship. That is, The Politics of Polygamous Marriages which entails the interests of both sexes in marriage and the essence of marriage in African society. Therefore, with a feminist lens this study attempts to fill this gap by highlighting the politics involved in marriages especially in the Nigerian society and other related African societies. The finding of this essay is that polygamy is not an easy marriage to run. This essay therefore holds that The Victims and The Joys of Motherhood depict polygamy as an unhealthy marital union. Polygamy is a tasking family life which requires that a man is up and doing. If a man fails to handle his home well, his family will be in crisis that will eventually destroy it.

This research examines the phenomenon of godfatherism in Nigerian politics, using the 2016 and 2020 governorship elections in Edo State as a definitive case study. Godfatherism is understood as a form of political corruption where an influential individual (the godfather) anoints a less influential candidate (the godson) for leadership positions to exert authority and influence over governance. The study is necessitated by the deep entrenchment of this practice in the Nigerian political system, which often makes it difficult for young, independent aspirants to gain power without the backing of wealthy, older politicians. This dependency frequently results in rifts, as seen in the cases of Bola Ahmed Tinubu/Ambode in Lagos and Chris Uba/Chris Ngige in Anambra, where godfathers historically held the upper hand. However, the Edo State 2020 governorship election, which saw Governor Godwin Obaseki's re-election against the wishes of his former godfather, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, represented a significant moment of resistance. This event, hailed by political figures as a "declaration of independence from the anti-democratic forces of godfatherism," provides a crucial basis for assessing the concept's changing dynamics. The aim of this research is to analyze and document the issue of godfatherism in Nigerian politics through the lens of the 2016–2020 electoral cycle in Edo State. The specific objectives are to: Document the origin and evolution of godfatherism in Edo State. Analyze the role of godfatherism in the 2016 and 2020 governorship elections in Edo State. Assess the challenges and overall effect of godfatherism in the Edo State governorship election, and its implications for the future of democracy in Nigeria. The research adopts a narrative and interdisciplinary approach, utilizing both primary sources (oral interviews) and secondary sources (textbooks, journals, and newspapers) to provide a comprehensive analysis. By focusing on the 2020 election, the study seeks to unravel the concept of godfatherism and its diminishing influence in the face of growing political awareness and the will of the electorate in Edo State and Nigeria as a whole.

This project, "The Impact of Christian Association in Conflict Resolution in Nigeria 2006-2011," examines the role, potential, and limitations of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) as a major non-state actor in fostering peace and managing conflict within the Nigerian state during a critical period of heightened ethno-religious tension. Nigeria is characterized by complex, often violent, conflicts stemming from political, economic, and social instability intertwined with religious, ethnic, and resource-based differences. This study investigates CAN's organizational structure, its foundation (rooted in the ecumenical imperative "That they all may be one"), and its objectives to promote national understanding, peace, and moral welfare. The core of the research lies in analyzing the tangible mechanisms CAN deploys for conflict resolution and peacebuilding, such as dialogue, seminars, workshops, and evangelism of peace, emphasizing the use of religious values to mediate disputes. While acknowledging that historical scholarship has often focused on the politicization of CAN, this work argues for the significance of CAN's social and economic roles in addressing societal ills—the bedrock for sustainable peace. The study adopts a historical methodology, utilizing both primary and secondary sources, to critically assess CAN's impact and evaluate the challenges it faces, including issues of internal unity, external opposition, and historical record-keeping deficiencies, in its sustained effort to be a credible and effective peacebuilding organization in the Nigerian polity.

The study investigated audience assessment of the challenges affecting Edo
Broadcasting Service in Edo State. The study became necessary arising from the
fact that Broadcast station has so many challenges that affect them. This study
was anchored on the postulation of social responsibility and libertarian theories. Descriptive survey design was employed with the aid of 11 items questionnaires. The sample size of this study constituted 400 Edo State residents selected
through proportional stratified technique. The sample reflected and represented
Edo state residents. Data obtained were analyzed and presented with the aid of
frequency tables, simple percentages and mean scores. It was discovered that the
average respondent indicated that the EBS suffers human resource deficits, political pressure, poor welfare packages and lack of equipment for broadcasting
in EBS. Also the study found out that that average audience considers the
effectiveness of EBS is being hampered by political interference, welfare
shortfalls, and poor management. Respondents are of the opinion that resolving
the challenges of EBS would require that the Edo state government sells its stake
in the station and government should invest heavily in training the workforce of
EBS. In the light of these observation the study recommends the need for
government to carry out an inventory of the stock of human capital in the EBS.

This study was carried out to investigate Port Harcourt Residents Perception of Media Advocacy against Kidnapping in Rivers State using selected respondents in Port Harcourt. To achieve this objective, six research questions and two research hypotheses were formulated to guide this study. The data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected with the help of a well-structured questionnaire of two sections administered to the selected respondents in Port Harcourt. The collected data were analyzed tables and descriptive statistics to analyze the research questions while t-test statistical method was used to test research hypotheses. All data were coded using SPSS software. The study reveals that there is a significant impact of media advocacy on Port Harcourt Residents Perception against Kidnapping in Rivers State and there is a significant relationship between media advocacy and campaign against kidnapping in Rivers State. The study concludes that radio campaigns against kidnapping in Port Harcourt have been ineffective due to residents' lack of engagement and support. To combat kidnapping, radio stations in Rivers state should collaborate with stakeholders and emphasize the joint effort required for enhanced security. The study suggests working with security personnel and other stakeholders to address the kidnapping problem in Rivers State, prioritizing objectivity and credibility in media reporting, concentrating on education and advocacy against kidnapping, and actively involving locals in the group effort to improve security and eradicate kidnapping.

This study will investigate the perception of photojournalism and photography as career choices
among mass communication students. The purpose of this study is to find out the perception of
photojournalism and photography as career choices among mass communication students, what
barriers influence their perception, and to ascertain if technological advancement and the
improvement of teaching strategies will improve their perception of photojournalism and
photography as career choices. Premised on perception theory and persuasion theory this study
used the survey research method applying questionnaires to elicit responses from respondents at
the Ekehuan campus of the University of Benin. The findings of the study revealed that most
mass communications students have a neutral perception of photography and photojournalism as
career choices and they see photojournalism photography as self-sufficient career choices which
can help in reducing the unemployment rate in Nigeria. However, the findings revealed that
improvement in the practical aspect of teaching strategies in photojournalism and photographyrelated courses will positively influence students' perception of them as careers and that there are
various misconceptions mass communication students have concerning photography and
photojournalism as career choices. Based on the findings from the research, the researcher
recommends that focus should be put on improving and using practicals when teaching courses
relating to the field of photography and photojournalism. The researcher also recommended that
grants and sponsorship should be provided to reduce the burden of the high cost of equipment
needed in procuring technological gadgets for students to practice in these fields.

This study examines the complex dynamics of intergroup relations and their impact on the socio-economic and political development of the Ukwuani Local Government Area (LGA) in Delta State, Nigeria, throughout the post-colonial era. Focusing specifically on the interactions between the Ukwuani-speaking majority and various non-indigenous settler groups (including Igbos, Urhobos, and others), the research employs a historical-analytical approach, drawing upon archival records, key informant interviews, and ethnographic data.
The findings reveal that the creation and subsequent administrative evolution of the LGA were profoundly influenced by a cyclical tension between ethnic solidarity (Ukwuani nativism) and the economic necessity of pluralism. Intergroup relations are characterized by periods of collaborative coexistence, particularly in market activities and religious life, interspersed with episodes of competition and conflict, primarily over land tenure, resource allocation, and political office. The abstract argues that while the presence of diverse groups has historically spurred commercial growth and infrastructural development—evidenced by the growth of major towns like Obiaruku and Abbi —it has also fostered a political culture dominated by indigene-settler identity politics, which often stalls policy implementation and exacerbates inequality in the distribution of development projects.
The work concludes that the trajectory of post-colonial development in Ukwuani LGA is not simply a function of federal or state policy, but is a direct reflection of how successfully—or unsuccessfully—local leaders have managed the inherent friction between promoting a unified 'Ukwuani' identity and harnessing the productive capacity of its multi-ethnic populace. It recommends a shift toward an inclusive, rights-based citizenship model at the local level to unlock sustainable and equitable development.