HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

Inter-group relations is “whenever individuals belonging to one group, interact collectively or individually, with another group or its members in terms of their group identification,”.1 Inter-group relations imply therefore, the existence of mutually exclusive groups that are in constant interaction with one another. The study of Inter- group relations is significant because it reveals the fact that the communities in Nigeria and Africa in general were not disunited nor isolated from each other; they related with each other before colonial conquest.2 Works on Inter-group relations debunks the euro- centric view that Africans were uncivilized and barbaric, and that no meaningful interaction took place within the region prior to the arrival of Europeans.3 However, there exist several literature on this subject. These available materials examine the various patterns and nature of interactions which existed in Africa among Nigerian communities in particular. In Nigeria, the various communities cooperated and had meaningful intercourse before the advent of Europeans colonialism. The interactions among the communities were dynamic in nature. It was a robust and diversified relations. There were socio-cultural, political and economic relations.

Festivalisation understood as a development of festivals and their influence on people and the surrounding space is not a new phenomenon. It is closely connected with the development of human culture, which dates back to the historical roots of the human kind.1 Due to the close relationship between festivals and culture, it was decided to start the chapter by precisely defining the latter. Aba festival is a channel through which the Etuno people showcase their culture to the entire world. Culture is the learned behaviour of members of a given social group. It is the learned, socially acquired traditions and lifestyles of the
members of a society, including their patterned, repetitive ways of thinking, feeling and acting. Taylor sees culture as that complex whole, which include knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, laws, customs and any other capabilities acquired by man, as a member of the society.2 Culture can be seen as the whole way of life of a people, which include their customs, habits, beliefs, religions and crafts, language, technology, dance, etc. It includes the rules and regulations that govern the behaviours of people in a given society.

This research examines the phenomenon of godfatherism in Nigerian politics, using the 2016 and 2020 governorship elections in Edo State as a definitive case study. Godfatherism is understood as a form of political corruption where an influential individual (the godfather) anoints a less influential candidate (the godson) for leadership positions to exert authority and influence over governance. The study is necessitated by the deep entrenchment of this practice in the Nigerian political system, which often makes it difficult for young, independent aspirants to gain power without the backing of wealthy, older politicians. This dependency frequently results in rifts, as seen in the cases of Bola Ahmed Tinubu/Ambode in Lagos and Chris Uba/Chris Ngige in Anambra, where godfathers historically held the upper hand. However, the Edo State 2020 governorship election, which saw Governor Godwin Obaseki's re-election against the wishes of his former godfather, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, represented a significant moment of resistance. This event, hailed by political figures as a "declaration of independence from the anti-democratic forces of godfatherism," provides a crucial basis for assessing the concept's changing dynamics. The aim of this research is to analyze and document the issue of godfatherism in Nigerian politics through the lens of the 2016–2020 electoral cycle in Edo State. The specific objectives are to: Document the origin and evolution of godfatherism in Edo State. Analyze the role of godfatherism in the 2016 and 2020 governorship elections in Edo State. Assess the challenges and overall effect of godfatherism in the Edo State governorship election, and its implications for the future of democracy in Nigeria. The research adopts a narrative and interdisciplinary approach, utilizing both primary sources (oral interviews) and secondary sources (textbooks, journals, and newspapers) to provide a comprehensive analysis. By focusing on the 2020 election, the study seeks to unravel the concept of godfatherism and its diminishing influence in the face of growing political awareness and the will of the electorate in Edo State and Nigeria as a whole.

This project, "The Impact of Christian Association in Conflict Resolution in Nigeria 2006-2011," examines the role, potential, and limitations of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) as a major non-state actor in fostering peace and managing conflict within the Nigerian state during a critical period of heightened ethno-religious tension. Nigeria is characterized by complex, often violent, conflicts stemming from political, economic, and social instability intertwined with religious, ethnic, and resource-based differences. This study investigates CAN's organizational structure, its foundation (rooted in the ecumenical imperative "That they all may be one"), and its objectives to promote national understanding, peace, and moral welfare. The core of the research lies in analyzing the tangible mechanisms CAN deploys for conflict resolution and peacebuilding, such as dialogue, seminars, workshops, and evangelism of peace, emphasizing the use of religious values to mediate disputes. While acknowledging that historical scholarship has often focused on the politicization of CAN, this work argues for the significance of CAN's social and economic roles in addressing societal ills—the bedrock for sustainable peace. The study adopts a historical methodology, utilizing both primary and secondary sources, to critically assess CAN's impact and evaluate the challenges it faces, including issues of internal unity, external opposition, and historical record-keeping deficiencies, in its sustained effort to be a credible and effective peacebuilding organization in the Nigerian polity.

This study examines the complex dynamics of intergroup relations and their impact on the socio-economic and political development of the Ukwuani Local Government Area (LGA) in Delta State, Nigeria, throughout the post-colonial era. Focusing specifically on the interactions between the Ukwuani-speaking majority and various non-indigenous settler groups (including Igbos, Urhobos, and others), the research employs a historical-analytical approach, drawing upon archival records, key informant interviews, and ethnographic data.
The findings reveal that the creation and subsequent administrative evolution of the LGA were profoundly influenced by a cyclical tension between ethnic solidarity (Ukwuani nativism) and the economic necessity of pluralism. Intergroup relations are characterized by periods of collaborative coexistence, particularly in market activities and religious life, interspersed with episodes of competition and conflict, primarily over land tenure, resource allocation, and political office. The abstract argues that while the presence of diverse groups has historically spurred commercial growth and infrastructural development—evidenced by the growth of major towns like Obiaruku and Abbi —it has also fostered a political culture dominated by indigene-settler identity politics, which often stalls policy implementation and exacerbates inequality in the distribution of development projects.
The work concludes that the trajectory of post-colonial development in Ukwuani LGA is not simply a function of federal or state policy, but is a direct reflection of how successfully—or unsuccessfully—local leaders have managed the inherent friction between promoting a unified 'Ukwuani' identity and harnessing the productive capacity of its multi-ethnic populace. It recommends a shift toward an inclusive, rights-based citizenship model at the local level to unlock sustainable and equitable development.

This chapter concludes this work. It ties up all the major points in the previous chapters relating to the impact of change and continuity in Urhobo traditional marriage with case study of Ughelli Chiefdom.

The evidence from the study of the area of Urhobo marriage system and to examine the rationale of the changing role of traditional marriage system in Urhobo sub-ethnic group. The study indicates that a woman whose bride price has been paid is treated differently especially, when a situation arises from another woman who just packed in with a man. For example, respect is accorded to a woman who was married properly whereas a woman who just moved into a man’s house is treated with little or no respect by the man’s family. This is why every parent wants his/her daughter to be properly married is central concern of this research.

From the observation of this research marriage activities in Ughelli were well managed and elaborate, as it served the people well by helping to keep them united, stable and creating a sort of prosperity that made a remarkable Urhobo tradition in Ughelli which also inspired her neighbors.

Over the years, human trafficking which involves the trafficking of people especially young and
able bodied people for forced labour and prostitution has become a recurrent problem in Nigeria
human trafficking has been an endemic social problem in Edo State in which the state alone
constitute about 46 percentage of human trafficking in Nigeria. It was in an attempt to tackle to
tackle the menace of human trafficking in Nigeria that the Federal government established
National Agency for the Prohibition of traffic in persons and other related matters (NAPTIP) in
2003. The agency is saddled with the onerous responsibility of investigating and persecuting
offenders of this heinous crime. On this note, this study has assessed the role of the agency in
combating human trafficking in Nigeria with special focus on Edo State which is notorious and
endemic hub for human trafficking in Nigeria. This study has identified the root causes of human
trafficking tits social and economic consequence in Edo State. It has also examined the strategies
adopted by National Agency for the Prohibition of traffic in persons and other related matters in
combating the menace as well as the challenges the agency has faced in carrying out its statutory
responsibilities. This has established that successes recorded so far by (NAPTIP) have been the
collaborative efforts of other stakeholders such as the European Union, (EU) International
Organization for Migration (IOM), Non-government organizations, civil society groups, local
non-government organizations as well as the traditional institution of Benin, the Oba and his
chiefs in the fight against the scourge. Despite several efforts by the government in collaboration
with local and international non-governmental organizations, humanitarian and civil society
organizations, human trafficking is still to be totally eradicated.

This study has examined women in politics and their contributions to the socio-economic development in Nigeria; a case study of Mrs. Doris Ayanka Imalele. Despite global campaign for gender equality, 65 women‟s political representation in the country has failed to achieve the critical mass of 30% women‟s representation in the country‟s politics. The country‟s socioeconomic factors, political structures, historical heritages, political thuggery and gangsterism, societal norms and beliefs have created a culture that alienates women from the main stream of Nigerian politics. The imperative of democratic consolidation in Nigeria requires that women, who constitute half of the national population, should find prominence in the mainstream political development of the nation since democracy is only achievable on the altar of popular participation of every citizen of the society, males and females alike. It is therefore conclusive that any corrective measure adopted to address the low participation of women in Nigerian politics will only be superficial unless the nation‟s socioeconomic, cultural and political factors that limit women empowerment are decisively addressed.