Market Women

This study investigates the phenomena of code-switching and code-mixing between Hausa traders and Edo market women in Uselu Market, Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria. It examines how language operates as a tool for communication, negotiation, and social interaction within a multilingual market setting. Guided by Dell Hymes’ Ethnography of Communication framework, the study explores how participants strategically alternate between Edo, Hausa, and Nigerian Pidgin to achieve mutual understanding and maintain interpersonal relationships during trade exchanges. The research adopts a qualitative ethnographic design, utilizing participant observation and semi-structured interviews as primary methods of data collection. Data were drawn from naturally occurring market interactions and analyzed using Hymes’ SPEAKING model to identify linguistic patterns and communicative functions. Findings reveal that Nigerian Pidgin serves as the dominant lingua franca and bridge for communication between Hausa and Edo traders. Code-switching and code-mixing are employed to ensure clarity, express politeness, mark identity, and strengthen social bonds. The study further establishes that linguistic flexibility and tolerance are vital to sustaining daily market communication in a multilingual environment. Traders switch languages not only to facilitate business transactions but also to foster mutual respect, understanding, and peaceful coexistence. Nigerian Pidgin emerges as a unifying medium that enhances social cohesion among speakers from diverse linguistic backgrounds. Based on these findings, the study recommends greater recognition of Nigerian Pidgin as a practical and unifying language in multilingual communities. It should be integrated into sociolinguistic and educational discussions to reflect its real-life communicative significance in Nigeria’s linguistic landscape.

Background: Infertility is a global public health concern affecting approximately one in six people of reproductive age worldwide, with a prevalence of 15.7–22% in Nigeria. Globally, infertility remains a significant reproductive health challenge and is associated with profound
social, psychological, cultural, and economic consequences, particularly among women in developing countries. In many African societies, including Nigeria, infertility is often interpreted through cultural and spiritual lenses, leading to stigma, discrimination, and
delayed utilization of evidence-based medical care. In Benin City, market women operate within deeply traditional cultural frameworks that significantly shape their perceptions of infertility and their health-seeking behaviour. Despite growing access to modern medical treatments, deeply ingrained cultural beliefs, limited knowledge of treatment options, and socio-demographic barriers continue to hinder appropriate care utilization in this demographic. Therefore, understanding their beliefs and knowledge of infertility treatment options is essential for designing culturally sensitive reproductive health interventions. Objectives: This study aimed to assess the cultural beliefs and knowledge of infertility treatment options among market women in Benin City. Specific objectives were to identify cultural beliefs and perceptions of infertility, determine the level of knowledge of infertility
treatment options, examine the relationship between cultural beliefs and knowledge of infertility treatment options, and assess the socio-demographic factors associated with knowledge of infertility treatment options among market women in Benin City. Methodology: A descriptive cross-sectional study design employing a quantitative method of data collection was used. The study was conducted among market women aged 18–65 years
in four selected markets within Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria, between January 2025 and May 2026. A multi-stage sampling technique was used to select 440 respondents. Data were collected using a pre-tested, structured, interviewer- and self-administered questionnaire divided into sections on socio-demographic characteristics, cultural beliefs and perceptions, and knowledge of infertility treatment options. Cultural beliefs, perceptions, and knowledge were scored and categorized using Bloom's cut-off criteria. Data were analyzed using IBM SPSS version 27.0. Descriptive statistics were presented using frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations, while Chi-square tests, Fisher's exact tests, Spearman’s
correlation, binary logistic regression, and multiple linear regression analyses were used to determine associations and predictors. Statistical significance was set at p < 0.05. Results: A total of 440 market women participated (100% response rate), with a mean age of 39.6 (12.5) years. The majority were married (about 11 in 20), predominantly of the Benin ethnic group, predominantly Christian (about 9 in 10), relatively educated, with a majority with at least a secondary education (about 4 in 5). Nearly three-quarters held positive cultural beliefs about infertility, while about two-thirds demonstrated positive perceptions of the condition. However, only about 2 in 5 respondents demonstrated good knowledge of infertility treatment options, with the majority showing poor knowledge. Respondents generally recognized infections, blocked fallopian tubes, hormonal imbalance, male infertility
among others as causes of infertility and were aware of treatment modalities including medications, surgery, and Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ARTs). Higher educational attainment (p < 0.001), Igbo ethnicity (p = 0.008), use of social media, health workers,family/friends, and religious centres as health information sources (p < 0.001), and longer years of market experience (p = 0.017) were significantly associated with good knowledge. Respondents with positive cultural beliefs were significantly more likely to have good knowledge compared to those with negative beliefs (p = 0.001), and good perception was strongly associated with good knowledge (p < 0.001). In multivariate analysis, tertiary education (OR = 19.335), positive cultural beliefs (OR= 2.719), and good perception (OR = 2.912) were significant independent predictors of good knowledge. Conclusion: The study found that although the majority of market women in Benin City hold positive cultural beliefs and perceptions regarding infertility, a substantial proportion still
harbour supernatural misconceptions, and the overall level of knowledge of infertility treatment options remains poor. Education, cultural orientation, and access to diverse health information sources are critical determinants of infertility knowledge. Comprehensive, culturally sensitive reproductive health programs targeting market women, particularly those with lower educational attainment, should be prioritized to improve knowledge, address harmful cultural beliefs, reduce stigma, and promote timely utilization of evidence-based
infertility care.