DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

This study examines the effect of party politics on political campaigns in Nigeria, with specific emphasis on the 2023 presidential election in Anambra state. Nigeria has come a long way since 1922 in terms of the number and spread of political parties. The number of political parties and their spread seems to give the impression that representation has become an important requirement for the existence of political parties. The study adopts a survey design and employs quantitative research methods. Primary data is collected through structured questionnaires administered. The sample size is determined using Cochrane (1977) sample size determination formula, yielding approximately 390respondents, selected through stratified random sampling to ensure proportional representation. The data collected from the instruments were organized in tables using simple percentages. Cronbach's Alpha is employed to test the reliability of the research instrument, ensuring consistency in measuring the variables. Findings from the study revealed that Nigerian political parties often lack clear ideologies making it difficult for voters to distinguish between them. This ambiguity fuels party defections and transactional politics. It was also revealed that politicians make provocative statements that ignite passions and hostilities among their supporters, often targeting opponents or rival groups. The study offers valuable recommendations that political candidates and party members should make frantic efforts to inform or persuade electorates for their votes rather than mislead them with enticing words or making hate speeches capable of disrupting the electoral process and causing disenchantment among the electoraes, it was also recommended that political candidates and parties should communicate their political agenda without the use of force, destructive tendencies and unhealthy rivalry among one party and the other and between party members and electorates.

Elections are central to democratic governance, yet their integrity is often undermined by the influence of money politics, particularly in developing democracies such as Nigeria. This study examines the political economy of elections with a specific focus on the implications of money politics on voting behavior in Ovia North-East Local Government Area during the 2024 Edo gubernatorial election. Grounded in political economy perspectives, the research explores how financial inducements, vote buying, and clientelistic exchanges shape electoral outcomes and weaken democratic accountability. The study adopts a qualitative approach, drawing on both primary and secondary data sources to analyze the interaction between the supply and demand sides of money politics. It highlights how socio-economic factors such as poverty, weak institutional frameworks, and limited voter education contribute to the persistence of vote buying. The findings reveal that money politics significantly influences voter decision-making, reduces electoral competitiveness, and distorts representation by prioritizing short-term material benefits over long-term policy considerations. Furthermore, the study finds that the prevalence of money politics undermines electoral credibility, fuels political violence, and weakens public trust in democratic institutions. In the context of Edo State, persistent electoral malpractices have contributed to political instability and hindered democratic consolidation. The research concludes that addressing money politics requires a comprehensive approach, including electoral reforms, strengthened institutions, transparency in political financing, and intensified civic education. The study recommends stricter enforcement of campaign finance regulations, improved oversight by electoral bodies, and targeted voter sensitization programs to reduce the demand for vote buying. Ultimately, promoting credible, free, and fair elections is essential for strengthening democracy and ensuring sustainable political and socio-economic development.

This study investigates the role of social media in the political mobilization of youths in Edo State, Nigeria, focusing on the 2020 governorship election. It examines how platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram were utilized to disseminate political information, organize campaigns, and influence voter behavior among young people. The research explores the extent to which social media facilitated political participation, shaped public opinion, and impacted the overall electoral process.
The methodology involves a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews. Surveys were administered to a sample of youths in Edo State to gather data on their social media usage, political engagement, and voting preferences. In-depth interviews were conducted with political actors, campaign strategists, and youth activists to gain insights into their experiences and perspectives on social media's influence.
The findings reveal that social media played a significant role in the 2020 Edo State governorship election. It served as a crucial tool for political campaigns to reach young voters, mobilize support, and counter opposing narratives. Social media platforms enabled youths to access political information, engage in discussions, and organize protests. However, the study also highlights the challenges associated with social media, such as the spread of misinformation, the polarization of political discourse, and the potential for manipulation. The conclusion emphasizes the transformative impact of social media on political mobilization in Edo State. It underscores the need for media literacy and critical thinking skills to navigate the complexities of the digital landscape. The study recommends that political actors and policymakers develop strategies to harness the potential of social media while mitigating its risks.

It is an indubitable fact that most plans/activities lies of any sep-up may come to naught if here is lack of revenue or finance to effectuate to one roas task. It is also germane to stress that just as air food and water are importance for human existence so also does revenue from the sine-quoin for any human or government existence and survival If is therefore sufficient to observe that the issue of revenue allocation and always been highly contentious and invariable generated a lot of conflicting and divergent controversies in Nigeria. The issue has been the allocation between various tiers of government vertical allocation and between resource rich and resource-poor regions (horizontal allocation). More recently, another dimension has been introduced to the vertical issue, namely the allocation between the resources-rich regions, local government and community

This study examined the relationship between interparty rivalry and national development in Nigeria, focusing on the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Egor Local Government Area of Edo State. The study aimed to assess how political rivalry, policy implementation, party system balance, and socioeconomic consequences influence national development. A quantitative survey research design was adopted, and data were collected through the administration of structured questionnaires to selected respondents. The data obtained were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistical techniques, including multiple regression analysis, with the aid of SPSS Version 27. The results revealed that political rivalry had a significant negative effect on national development (β = 0.362, p = 0.000), indicating that excessive competition and political intolerance weaken governance and hinder progress. Policy implementation and party system balance both showed significant positive effects (β = 0.328, p = 0.001; β = 0.314, p = 0.002 respectively), suggesting that effective governance and stable political structures promote sustainable development. Socioeconomic consequences, such as unemployment and insecurity, had the strongest impact on national development (β = 0.386, p = 0.001). The regression model produced an R value of 0.734 and an R Square of 0.645, indicating that about 64.5% of the variation in national development is explained by the combined effects of the independent variables. The study concluded that interparty rivalry among major political parties in Nigeria poses a major obstacle to national development by fostering instability, policy inconsistency, and weak governance cooperation. It recommends the promotion of political tolerance, institutional reforms, policy continuity, and interparty dialogue to enhance democratic maturity and sustainable development in Nigeria.

Voter participation is vital to democratic stability in Nigeria, yet declining engagement poses a threat to effective governance. This study argues that revitalising democratic institutions, norms, and infrastructure requires greater citizen involvement before, during, and after elections. It investigates five core questions: the factors driving voter apathy, citizens’ attitudes toward voting, their awareness of political developments, the motivations behind disengagement, and the broader impact of apathy on democratic consolidation. Using a survey of fifty respondents analysed with simple percentages, the study finds that trust in the electoral process is central to participation. A transparent and impartial electoral body was widely viewed as key to ensuring free and fair elections. Conversely, fraud and manipulation by political parties were cited as major causes of low turnout during the 2023 General Elections. Respondents also identified inadequate voter education as a driver of electoral malpractice, while rampant vote-buying further erodes public confidence. To address these challenges, the study recommended comprehensive voter education to enhance civic awareness of rights and responsibilities. Informed citizens are more likely to resist corruption and hold leaders accountable. Stricter regulation of political financing is also necessary to curb the influence of money in politics. Ultimately, tackling voter apathy at every stage of the electoral cycle is essential for building credible elections and achieving democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

This study comparatively examined the politics, governance and development in pre colonial and post-colonial Nigeria. Politics is conceived as the study of the state and its institutions and the relationship these institutions have with the people living in the state. Governance refers to the activity, process or quality of governing. Development is concerned with changes in environment, health, economy, politics, social and cultures that create and supports lives. This study was qualitative, relying on secondary materials such as books, articles, newspapers and other secondary materials. The study found that politics in pre-colonial and post-colonial Nigeria are significantly different. While both can boast of operating under checks and balances, the principle was more entrenched and respected in the pre-colonial period than in this contemporary post-colonial period. In post-colonial Nigeria, various institutions appear to be serving the interest of the executive headed by a president who wields so much power. It was also found that governance in pre-colonial Nigeria and post-colonial Nigeria are different in that in pre colonial period, governance was based on decentralized and centralized system. The exigency of power depended on the region or community. In post-colonial Nigeria, the governance system is characterized by high corruption, foreign domination, exclusion and socio-economic crisis. Leadership is a very big challenge since independence orchestrating agitations from the people. Lastly, it was found that development in pre colonial Nigeria and post-colonial Nigeria are different in that in pre-colonial period. Development during pre-colonial period was seen in the areas of commerce and trade which provided the needed harmony and peace for communal living. Whereas in post colonial Nigeria, there have been preponderance of poverty, malnutrition, insecurity, health-related issues, rapid inflation and poor infrastructure. The study therefore recommended that there is need for the current post-colonial Nigerian government to revert to the era of agriculture-based economy; entrench the principle of checks and balances that would address tyranny and entrench accountability and transparency in the public dealing and the political system of Nigeria should reflect the ethnic, religious and socio-economic background of the people.

Though political violence seems irrational, Nigeria's return to democracy in1999brought about considerable political changes, particularly in the way multi-party elections were conducted. The purpose of this study is to investigate how Nigeria's democracy has been weakened by the prevalence of political violence. The analysis uses survey data to answer the queries about political violence and democracy. The research offers a more thorough analytical investigation and builds on the theories of group violence and frustration-aggression. The study contends that certain democratic principles such as freedom, equality, accountability, and the rule of law constitute a" universal pattern" in democratic practice, making it crucial to evaluate the Nigerian and Egyptian experience critically. As a result, our findings imply that the political elite's vested interests are fundamentally a factor in the prevalence of political violence.

This study (Examination of The Low Participation of Female Students in University Politics) examines the factors influencing the low participation of female undergraduates in university politics at the University of Benin (UNIBEN), Nigeria. Despite increased female enrollment in higher education, a significant gender disparity persists in student union governments and campus leadership roles. A quantitative research design was employed, utilizing a structured questionnaire administered to 150 female undergraduate students selected through proportionate stratified sampling. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. The findings reveal a significant gap between political awareness (76%) and active participation (26.7%). Key barriers identified include entrenched patriarchal norms, with 62% of respondents agreeing that leadership is perceived as a male domain; institutional inadequacies, such as a lack of gender-sensitive policies (50% agreement) and insufficient support from school authorities (62% agreement); and a critical deficit in mentorship and leadership training, with 64% noting its inadequacy despite 86% affirming its importance.
The study concludes that the underrepresentation of female students is not due to a lack of capability or interest but is primarily a result of structural and cultural exclusion. It recommends a multi-faceted approach, including the establishment of formal mentorship programs, the implementation of gender-balance policies in student governance, the provision of financial support for female candidates, and campus-wide awareness campaigns to challenge gender stereotypes. These measures are essential for fostering an inclusive political environment that empowers female students and contributes to democratic deepening in Nigeria.

Insecurity in Nigeria presents a complicated challenge that has defied several management efforts by the government. the issues of terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, ritualism, trafficking, and the like have continued to appear at the front burner of national discourse. Yet, little progress has been made to address these issues. However, one area that has not attracted sufficient attention is marginalization, which studies have established as the nexus between marginalization or its variant, exclusion, and insecurity. This study examined the relationship between marginalization and insecurity in Southeast Nigeria, using Orlu Local Government Area as a case study. Orlu was chosen due to its notoriety as one of the centres in the Southeast where insecurity is pervasive. The study utilized a structured questionnaire to elicit responses from a randomly selected 100 respondents from Orlu Local Government Area. The entire study was anchored on the frustration-aggression hypothesis that argues that when a person or group is frustrated, the result can be aggression. The study found that the Igbos are marginalized, being excluded from holding key political positions in Nigeria, disallowed from partaking in the decision-making process in Nigeria, and overlooked by the Nigerian government in many issues challenging the region; restricted from accessing basic infrastructure in Nigeria, empowerment initiatives in Nigeria, and approved loans in Nigeria; and restricted from effectively relating with other ethnic groups, as well as discriminated against due to their ethnic background. Furthermore, the study found that the name ‘Igbo’, which carries identity and stereotype, the experience of the civil war, envy for the entrepreneurial skills of Igbos, and the industry of Igbos, were the causes of marginalization of the region. The study recommends that the government need to convene a regional meeting to address specific challenges faced by the region; intensify actions towards separating genuine agitators against marginalization and opportunists; and compensate the victims of the Civil War as promised post-war.