DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

The outbreak of the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in Wuhan, China in 2019 was phenomenal. It significantly altered the patterns of political and economic behaviour across the globe. COVID-19 engineered the rise of new rhetoric and narratives in academic discourse. This includes the concept of covidnomics that espouses the intricate between COVID-19 and economics in general. As the impact of coronavirus on humanity begins to unfold gradually, its impact on the economy of nations in Africa is glaring. Among the many unprecedented economic challenges it engendered, the dramatic fall in the demand for goods and services in Nigeria and elsewhere in Africa stands tall. The result is that some manufacturers in the continent have been overwhelmed by the imbalance between demand and supply.1 The fall in demand under the pandemic had nothing to do with a lack of want on the part of the people but, it was a manifestation of the decline of human development index that had impeded consumers’ capacity to make demands of goods and services. In Nigeria and around the world, borders are being 8 closed and societies are having to change the way they live.2 As entire countries come under quarantine orders and consumers around the world try to reduce human contact, manufacturers need to recognize that their response to the novel COVID-19 Pandemic will have a significant impact on their business. Those that respond by rising up to the occasion would seek innovative ways of dealing with the situation, while those who react may struggle with adapting to the change they need to make to remain profitable and resilient in these times.3 Against this backdrop, this study seeks the impact of COVID-19 on commerce and human development in Nigeria.

Most African states got independence in the period of superpower (United State and the Soviet Union) rivalry for world dominance and fortunately, some post-colonial states in Africa experience civil or internal war during this same period. The civil wars witness huge consequences such as lose of life and property as well as involvement of superpowers for various reasons. In the case of Nigeria, between 1967-1970 the Soviet Union weapons played a key role in the Federal government of Nigeria fight for “one Nigeria’.1 Thus, this long essay will examine the involvement of the superpowers in the Nigeria civil war, 1967-1970. The study will focus specifically on the Soviet Union involvements in Nigeria before the war and during the civil war. It will also examine the motive or reasons for the Soviet Union involvement in the fight for one Nigeria.

Inter-group relations is “whenever individuals belonging to one group, interact collectively or individually, with another group or its members in terms of their group and identification,”.1 Inter-group relations imply therefore, the existence of mutually exclusive groups that are in constant interaction with one another. The study of Inter- group relations is significant because it reveals the fact that the communities in Nigeria and Africa in general were not disunited nor isolated from each other; they related with each other before colonial conquest.2 Works on Inter-group relations debunks the euro- centric view that Africans were uncivilized and barbaric, and that no meaningful interaction took place within the region prior to the arrival of Europeans.3 However, there exist several literature on this subject. These available materials examine the various patterns and nature of interactions which existed in Africa among Nigerian communities in particular. In Nigeria, the various communities cooperated and had meaningful intercourse before the advent of Europeans colonialism. The interactions among the communities were dynamic in nature. It was a robust and diversified relations. There were socio-cultural, political and economic relations.4

Africa personality and Leadership has been a major challenge to governance in the continent and this has brought crises coupled with policy inconsistency and summersault is no doubt serious problems confronting Nigeria and Africa.1 In the case of Nigeria, several policies, political and constitutional reforms and conferences have been put in place by previous regimes in order to address the question of leadership, development and good governance in Nigeria.2 It is against this backdrop this study seek to examine the influence of Africa personality on democracy with reference to President Goodluck Jonathan administration.

Africa personality and Leadership has been a major challenge to governance in
the continent and this has brought crises coupled with policy inconsistency and
summersault is no doubt serious problems confronting Nigeria and Africa.1 In the case of Nigeria, several policies, political and constitutional reforms and conferences have been put in place by previous regimes in order to address the question of leadership, development and good governance in Nigeria.2 It is against this backdrop this study seek to examine the influence of Africa personality on democracy with reference to President Goodluck Jonathan administration. The phrase “African Personality” has become rather common in the social and political utterances of many contemporary African leaders and intellectuals. Whatever meaning can rightly be regarded as its ardent prompter and spokesman.3 Indeed, just before the first Conference of Independent African States held in Accra, in April 1958, Nkrumah had this say: For too long in our history, Africa has spoken through the voices of others. Now what I have called African Personality international affairs will have a chance of
making its proper impact and will let the world know it through the voices of Africa’s own sons.4 Since this great proclamation of the phrase by Nkrumah, other African thinkers have made use of the same concept with somewhat different meanings and interpretations. 8 Quaison-Sackey, for instance, thinks of the African Personality” in terms of cultural expression of what is common to all peoples whose home is on the continent of Africa. Ki-Zerbo defines it in terms of the “goal of all the efforts and the sacrifices of African nationalist, many of whose blood was spilled and who died for the development of this personality.”

This study examines the relationship between international sanctions and state behavior, using Nigeria under the regime of Sani Abacha (1993–1998) as a case study. It interrogates the extent to which sanctions, imposed largely in response to human rights
violations and democratic backsliding, influenced political decisions, governance patterns, and socio-economic outcomes within the Nigerian state. Chapter One provides the background to the study, situating sanctions within the broader framework of international relations and foreign policy instruments. It outlines the research problem, objectives, and significance, emphasizing the persistent debate over whether sanctions effectively compel authoritarian regimes to alter their behavior or merely deepen internal repression and economic hardship. Chapter Two offers a detailed examination of Nigeria under Abacha’s regime, highlighting the consolidation of military power, suppression of political opposition, and widespread human rights abuses. This chapter establishes the internal conditions that prompted international condemnation and set the stage for sanctions. Chapter Three analyzes the various sanctions imposed on Nigeria by international actors, including diplomatic isolation, economic restrictions, and Nigeria’s suspension from key international organizations. It explores the motivations behind these measures and the mechanisms through which they were enforced. Chapter Four assesses the consequences of these sanctions on Nigeria’s development and growth. It argues that while sanctions increased external pressure on the regime, their impact was complex and multifaceted. Economically, they contributed to reduced foreign investment and strained international relations. Politically, however, the regime demonstrated resilience, often circumventing restrictions while maintaining internal control. Socially, the burden of sanctions disproportionately affected ordinary citizens rather than the ruling elite Finally, Chapter Five concludes that sanctions, in the Nigerian case, had limited success in altering state behavior during Abacha’s rule. Instead, they exposed the challenges of using external pressure to influence entrenched authoritarian systems. The study contributes to a broader understanding of the effectiveness of sanctions as a policy tool, suggesting that without complementary internal dynamics and international cohesion, their capacity to induce meaningful political change remains constrained

The evolution of global trade governance has been central to the dynamics of international Economic relations among states. Since the mid-20th century, states have increasingly sought cooperative mechanisms to manage trade liberalization, address disputes and reduce barriers to international commerce. The establishment of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 marked a significant milestone in the institutionalization of this global economic order. The WTO succeeded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and was designed to promote free trade, facilitate economic cooperation and reduce barriers to international commerce.¹ The centrality of the World Trade Organization in shaping contemporary economic interactions cannot be overstated. It operates on the principle of non-discrimination, transparency and reciprocity, and oversees multilateral trade agreements covering goods, services and intellectual property.² As a forum for negotiation and dispute settlement the WTO plays a critical role in influencing how states emerge with one another economically for developing countries, it has been both a platform for integration into the global economy and a subject of criticism for perpetuating unequal power dynamics.

Man is an economic creature and from early times, he has been actively engaged in the business of making a living from his environment1. Over the years, mankind in Uromi and everywhere has built a symbiotic relationship with his earthly home. And this has resulted for him undertaking a diversity of economic activities in his quest for survival; which cumulatively constitute the economy of his nation. Economic development in post-colonial Uromi was largely dependent on the extent to which individual successfully mastered and engaged in these activities, that is, the level of his adept management and exploitation of his environment and its inherent resources. Fittingly, G.A. Petch observes that the word economics is derived from two Greek words: oikos (meaning ‘house’) and nemo (meaning ‘to manage’), which collectively means to manage a house.2 Implicit in this understanding is the fact that, in all societies, the cardinal responsibility of man, as an economic creature, is to effectively manage and harness all the resources found in his environment in order to fully maximize the total utility derivable from them.

This study examines the transformation of global power structures in the 21st century, focusing on the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar international system. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the international order was largely characterized by the dominance of a single superpower, particularly the United States, which exercised unparalleled military, economic, and political influence. However, this unipolar configuration has gradually eroded due to the rise of emerging powers such as China, India, and regional actors, alongside the resurgence of Russia. The research explores the key drivers of this shift, including economic globalization, technological advancement, shifting alliances, and the diffusion of power across both state and non-state actors. It also analyzes how institutions, norms, and geopolitical strategies are adapting to this evolving landscape. By applying theoretical perspectives from realism, liberalism, and constructivism, the study highlights the complexities and uncertainties inherent in a multipolar world. Ultimately, the paper argues that the transition to multipolarity is redefining global governance, increasing both opportunities for cooperation and risks of conflict. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for policymakers and scholars seeking to navigate the challenges of an increasingly decentralized and competitive international system.

Women trafficking has long been a serious challenge in Benin City, where many vulnerable women were historically exploited through illegal trafficking networks for years. The city is known as a hotspot for women being trafficked under false promises 1. It would appear that the pain and suffering caused by trafficking deeply affected not just the women involved but also their families and the wider community. However, a complex dynamic emerged that while victims suffered immense physical and psychological harm, their families back home often appeared to benefit from the financial outcomes of their exploitation. This is evident in the remittances sent back to Benin City, which have contributed to the construction of new and modern buildings and other visible improvements in family welfare, creating a paradoxical situation where exploitation abroad fuels economic gains at home, as evident in the works of Ohonba & Agbontaen-Eghafona These remittances, while providing financial support, often mask the human cost of trafficking, complicating community perceptions and reintegration efforts for survivors.