FOLARIN DIMOWO

Early marriage remains a critical challenge in Northern Nigeria, where socio-cultural and religious norms often override national and international legal protections for the girl child. This research critically examines early marriage as a legal and social barrier to the right to education of the girl child, situating the issue within Nigeria’s constitutional framework and international obligations. Section 18 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria guarantees access to education, yet this right is frequently undermined by practices that prioritize marriage over schooling for girls. While the Child’s Rights Act 2003 prohibits child marriage, it has not been domesticated in many Northern states due to resistance rooted in customary and Islamic personal law. This legal pluralism has created gaps in enforcement, leaving many girls vulnerable. International treaties such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) obligate Nigeria to eliminate harmful practices and ensure equal access to education, but compliance has been inconsistent. This study adopts a doctrinal and socio-legal approach, combining legal analysis with empirical reports from NGOs and intergovernmental organizations. It argues that early marriage not only violates the girl child’s right to education but also entrenches cycles of poverty, illiteracy, and gender inequality. The paper concludes that without harmonizing domestic law with international standards and enhancing community-based education advocacy, efforts to combat early marriage will remain ineffective.

Free and fair elections are the genuine hallmark of democratic governments as they allow citizens to choose their representatives in governmental positions. As a democratic state, Nigeria has conducted well over eight General Elections since its severance from British hegemony in 1960. These elections conducted in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023, have all been
marred by severe electoral irregularities. Observers report that malpractices such as vote buying, ballot snatching/stuffing, electoral violence, and multiple registration/voting characterized these elections. Owing to the spate of these malfeasances, policymakers embarked on legislative reforms to consolidate the extant electoral laws. SubseqUent legislative revisions in 2010, 2015
and 2019 birthed the Electoral Act 2022 which was enacted on February 25, 2022. Broadly, the Act aimed to enhance the capacity of Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) to conduct free and fair elections. The innovations pioneered by the Act abound thereby theoretically enhancing democratic consolidation in Nigeria through its 153 sections. As a disruptive legal framework, the Act legalized the deployment of technology in the conduct of elections under section 47 – 50. Further, it mandated the prompt release of funds to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct the elections. It also prohibited political appointees from acting as candidate/delegate in a primary election during the subsistence of their appointment. These
groundbreaking provisions were expected to radically reform electoral practice in Nigeria, solving the litany of problems plaguing the Nigerian electoral system. This, in turn, it was envisaged, would culminate in democratic consolidation and accord legitimacy to the emerging governments. However, in retrospect, these laudable aspirations and lofty expectations of the
Electoral Act 2022 were scarcely fulfilled. Almost two years after its enactment, the Nigerian electoral system is largely unchanged with electoral malpractices as prevalent as ever. The unforgettable 2023 Presidential elections and the petitions that followed brought to the fore, the issues that lay with the new Act. Likewise, the pockets of gubernatorial and legislative elections revealed certain gaps in the Act that were antithetical to democratic consolidation.